The demand for OBC quotas, even within women’s reservation, is nothing new. It is, in fact, the main reason why women’s quotas remained banned in Parliament for years.
![]()
When Opposition Leader Rahul Gandhi rose to speak in the Lok Sabha on Friday, he did not start with the argument that the South may lose seats that has dominated headlines since the introduction of the delimitation bill linked to the women’s quota amendment.

It started with a completely different charge.
He said in the House of Representatives: “This is not a bill for women. It has nothing to do with women’s empowerment.” Then he presented what he described as a simple test. “Return this old draft law now and we will help you pass it for implementation from this moment,” he said.
The “old bill” he was referring to is… The Nari Shakti Vandhan Adhinyam Bill has already been passed unanimously by both the Houses in 2023. This provides for 33% reservation for women in the Lok Sabha and state assemblies.
It enters into force after the completion of the first census after its beginning. This means that the much-delayed census conducted now will likely end in 2027. After the census, there will be a demarcation committee. This would push the implementation of the women’s quota system until after the 2029 elections.
Three new bills – The Constitution (131st Amendment) Bill, the Delimitation Bill 2026 and the UT Laws (Amendment) Bill 2026 – sought to remove the ‘last census’ requirement. The major amendment bill was rejected in the Lok Sabha by Friday evening, with the BJP-led government falling short of the required two-thirds majority.
These now-rejected bills proposed a system whereby the government could decide to use any population census to demarcate borders.
For now, the plan is limited to the Lok Sabha, government data indicated.
The government said demarcation – to increase seats by at least 50% – would lead to faster implementation of the women’s quota. Let’s say seats go from 543 to 816; An additional third can be reserved for women.
But the opposition claimed The Women’s Quota Law of 2023 could be applied instead. Congress leader Sonia Gandhi wrote that the party was doing well with its implementation even with the current House strength of 543 seats.
Congress also claimed that the real purpose of the new bills was to raise an issue Demarcate the border sooner – with the women’s quota used as a cover.
Border demarcation cannot be “accelerated”.
Originally, the delimitation, or reorganization of the size of the Lok Sabha, was pushed forward nearly 50 years ago. This is scheduled to happen after that according to any census conducted “after 2026.”
But MP Shashi Tharoor said on Friday that redrawing the electoral map requires deeper consultations, because population alone cannot be the basis.
There are already concerns, especially among states with low population growth in the South, and caste groups that want a say before any demarcation is implemented.
The argument is straight forward – that there is “There are no problems” regarding giving a 33% quota to women; But do not rush to draw borders without addressing complex questions.
One of these questions concerns class.
One of the major allegations against the Modi regime is that the latest bills were aimed at “marginalizing” the government The caste count is being conducted as part of the 2026-27 Census.This is the first census to count all castes – SCs and STs have already been counted – after nearly 100 years. Scheduled Castes and Tribes (SCs, STs) already get some quota in Parliament and assemblies.
The figures in this census can therefore influence what and how much are provided to Other Backward Classes (OBCs). They constitute the largest segment of India’s population, according to estimates so far.
OBC question
Rahul Gandhi was clear about this in the Lok Sabha: “What they (the government) are trying to do is avoid giving power and representation to my OBC brothers and sisters.”
“The government is trying to ensure that caste census has nothing to do with representation in the next 10 to 15 years,” he claimed.
He linked this to a specific chronology:
- The Federal Cabinet approved A The caste census as part of the ongoing national census – the first such exercise since 1931 – took place last year.
- But the delimitation process, as now proposed under the latest bills, would use the 2011 Census, not the new data for the 2026-2027 period that will come.
- Amit Shah has promised that there will be only a fixed 50% increase in seats, without any change in state shares. But that’s not what the bills said.
- The Demarcation Bill 2026 states that “the latest published census as of the date of the establishment of the Demarcation Commission” will be used when the current government decides to do so. This now means 2011, depending Analysis conducted by PRS India.
Samajwadi Party MP and former Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav, who comes from the OBC community, raised the same point in Parliament on Thursday.
“They are escaping the census because…the demand for reservations will go up. When we listen to the Prime Minister (Narendra Modi), he says he belongs to the OBC group. But when it comes to reservation, I would like to hear the government talk about how much will be reserved for OBCs,” he said. On Friday, Amit Shah once again asserted that Prime Minister Modi belongs to the OBC group.
The constitutional gap exists
The demand for OBC quotas, even within women’s reservation, is nothing new.
It is, in fact, the main reason why women’s reservation remained obscured in Parliament for years.
The 81st Constitutional Amendment Bill to reserve 33% reservation for women was first introduced in 1996 under Prime Minister HD Deve Gowda. It was discussed again in 1997 and 1998, but lapsed each time. The 2008 bill during the Congress-led UPA period passed the Rajya Sabha test in 2010, but was never voted on in the Lok Sabha. A political consensus could not be reached.
The reason has been, consistently, the insistence of parties representing OBC communities – such as the Samajwadi Party and the Rashtriya Janata Dal of UP and Bihar – on inclusion of a sub-quota for OBC women. They argued that women were not a homogeneous group, and that social class and other factors affected different sectors of women differently, as political scientists did.
The legal issue is that the demand for OBC quota cannot currently be met. The Constitution of India only provides 15% and 7.5% reservation for SCs and SCs. A joint parliamentary committee recommended this in the 1990s OBC reservation under women’s quota will be considered “once the Constitution is amended to allow OBC quota” at all.
No amendment has been made to OBC quotas in Parliament and assemblies. Because this first requires data. Specifically, caste census data that would lay the foundation for such a claim.
Why does sequencing matter?
The last time India comprehensively counted castes was 1931 under British rule. After independence, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru chose to exclude caste data from the decennial census, arguing that it would entrench social divisions. SC and ST census operations continued, but OBC census was discontinued at the national level.
In 1980, The Mandal Commission – working without hard data – has estimated OBCs at 52% of India’s population. This figure became the basis for the 27% OBC quota in government jobs implemented in 1990, and some related decisions thereafter.
State level surveys conducted in recent years suggest that the data of more than 50% of OBCs may in fact be correct. The 2023 Bihar caste survey found that such castes were 63%, while the share of The general category (“upper class”) was only 15.5%. In the local level elections, NGOs got quotas in Bihar and some other places. Telangana recently released its tally, in which the percentage of OBCs reached more than 60%.
This is a pattern that shows that OBCs are much larger than… 27% of the job share.This was the opposition’s argument for a nationwide caste census.
“Detailed caste data may reinforce demands for proportional representation, especially from OBC communities, making redistribution of seats more controversial,” he said. Manoj Kumar Jha, Professor is a Rajya Sabha MP from RJD.
The BJP, which had carefully built a caucus for its upper-caste base with some OBC groups, “reluctantly agreed to hold a caste census,” said political scientist Zoya Hassan.
She said the 2011 census is “safer” for the BJP as a basis for delimitation. The wireas it does not contain OBC data.
Caste counting, as is done in the ongoing census, could “empower the OBCs to demand more and perhaps look beyond the BJP.”
What the bills don’t say
Home Minister Amit Shah told Lok Sabha that the Union Cabinet has already approved the caste census; This data will be collected in the second phase of the ongoing census.
But the demarcation process, as the text of the bills showed, would have used the 2011 census.
Both Prime Minister Modi and Amit Shah claimed that the opposition was “using technical excuses”. “Kento Baranto” (If – but) because they “actually oppose women’s quotas.”
But Rahul Gandhi defended the opposition’s position in the House and on social media. He noted that if borders were drawn first using 2011 data, that would lock up seats for the foreseeable future. When the latest caste data comes later – with everything it reveals about the size of the OBC – it will arrive only after the map has already been redrawn. “The government is trying to ensure that caste census has nothing to do with representation in the next 10 to 15 years,” he said.
Congress leaders also noted that the women’s quota has already been approved for 2023; But issues of caste and regional representation cannot be eliminated by amending laws.
Congress Party’s Priyanka Gandhi Vadra mocked Amit Shah on Thursday by saying “everyone knows” about his plan. In reference to a legendary royal advisor who is believed to have lived there She said 2300 years ago, “If Chanakya were alive, he would have been shocked by your political machinations,” the House let out a collective chuckle. Amit Shah also smiled.
“My sister has achieved something in five minutes that I have not been able to achieve in 20 years of our political career, which is making Amit Shah ji smile,” Rahul Gandhi said in his speech on Friday.
Currently, in any case, the government does not have the two-thirds majority needed to pass the constitutional amendment. The debate will not stop and hence the stratified data will come sometime in the next two years.

Arish Chhabra is an associate editor on the Hindustan Times online team, where he writes news reports and explanatory features, as well as overseeing the site’s coverage. His career spans nearly two decades across India’s most respected newsrooms in print, digital and broadcast. He has reported, written, and edited across formats—from breaking news and live election coverage, to analytical long-reads and cultural commentary—building a body of work that reflects editorial rigor and a deep curiosity about the community for which he writes. Areesh studied English Literature, Sociology and History along with Journalism at Punjab University in Chandigarh, and began his career in that city, eventually moving to Delhi. He is also the author of Little Big City: What Life is Like from Chandigarh, a collection of critical essays originally published as a weekly column in the Hindustan Times, which examines the culture and politics of a city that is much more than just its famous architecture – and in doing so, holds up a mirror to modern India. During his stints at BBC, The Indian Express, NDTV and Jagran New Media, he has worked across multiple formats and languages; Mainly English, as well as Hindi and Punjabi. He was part of the crack team for the BBC Explainer project which was replicated around the world by the broadcaster. At Jagran, he developed editorial guides and trained journalists on integrity and quality content. He has also worked at the intersection of journalism and education. At the Indian School of Business (ISB) in Hyderabad, he developed a website to streamline academic research in management. At Bennett University’s Times School of Media in Noida, he taught students the craft of digital journalism: from newsgathering and writing to social media strategy and video storytelling. Having moved from small town to larger town to megalopolis for education and work, his intellectual passions lie at the intersection of society, politics, and popular culture—a perspective that guides his writing and worldview. When he’s not working, he’s constantly reading long-form journalism or watching cerebral content, sometimes both at the same time.Read more


