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In the early hours of Sunday, March 1, Iranian state television confirmed what had been circulating in parts the night before: the death of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran’s supreme leader since 1989.
News leadership
Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei was killed in the opening wave of a coordinated US-Israeli campaign – an event that immediately set off retaliatory Iranian missile launches across the region and led to dueling scenes inside Iran: celebration in some neighborhoods and massive mourning marches in others.
Revealed: Khamenei’s last move inside his compound in Tehran, it was a secret gathering – and then came 30 bombs
- President Donald Trump described the killing as a historic opportunity for regime change, saying: “This is the Iranian people’s greatest opportunity to take back their country.”
- Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu issued his own call to the Iranians, saying: “This is your time to join forces, overthrow the regime, and secure your future.”
- In Tehran, Agence France-Presse reported a state of jubilation and sadness: chants in the streets after the initial reports, and then thousands in Coup Square chanted “Death to America.”
On the other hand, Iran’s military and political leadership indicated escalation, not surrender.
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The Iranian Revolutionary Guard vowed to carry out the “most ferocious” operation in history, with explosions and sirens being heard from the Gulf capitals and Israel amid new gunfire.
Why does it matter?
Khamenei’s death constitutes the biggest shock to Iran’s power structure since 1979 – and it confronts a central question that the United States and Israel are effectively betting on now: Is it possible for popular anger to translate into state takeover, more quickly than the security services can reimpose their control?Early indicators cut both ways:
- The street mood is not unique. The New York Times described “large crowds” celebrating in Tehran and other cities, with chants of “Freedom, freedom” and rooftop chants of “Khamenei has gone to hell,” even as some supporters privately mourned and others feared more strikes.
- The regime still has procedures and weapons. Under Iran’s constitutional mechanism, an interim leadership council is quickly formed, while the Assembly of Experts is supposed to select the new supreme leader.
- The conflict is expanding in real time. Iran’s retaliatory strikes on Israel and US-linked targets in the Gulf raise the possibility that domestic politics will be shaped as much by wartime nationalism as by anti-regime fervor.
In short: Even if many Iranians want the regime gone, toppling it amid bombs, power outages and security crackdowns represents a different kind of challenge.
Zoom in
What the streets indicate
- The Times reports paint a rare glimpse of spontaneous, decentralized celebration under severe restrictions: Landline and cellphone service has been halted, yet people still gather, honking car horns, dancing and chanting “Hurray.”
- One Tehran resident, identified only by first name, described the shift from private to public the moment the news broke. “Then we ran outside and screamed at the top of our lungs, laughed and danced with our neighbors,” Sarah told the New York Times.
- But AFP also described the counter-mobilization: thousands of black-clad mourners in Inqelab Square chanting “Death to America.” This is important because it indicates that the state can still summon loyalist crowds — and, more importantly, that it can still deploy Basij and security forces to control public space when it chooses.
The Revolutionary Guard, the Basij, and the economics of control
- If Khamenei is the face of the regime, the IRGC has long been its muscle and, increasingly, its wallet. The IRGC responds directly to the Supreme Leader, stands apart from the traditional military chain, and has expanded its influence through politics and business over decades, including large contracting operations and deep entanglement with strategic sectors. The Basij militia, under the control of the Revolutionary Guards, is often deployed to crush protests.
- And here lies the destabilizing development: This war appears to have beheaded parts of that security elite. The Iranian judiciary confirmed that Ali Shamkhani, one of his senior advisors, and General
Muhammad Pakpour The Revolutionary Guard commander was killed. Reuters separately reported that the strike was timed according to real-time intelligence about a meeting involving Khamenei and his top aides. - A weak leadership structure can create opportunities. It can also lead to panic, paranoia, and overreaction. In the hours that followed the confirmation of Khamenei’s death, the Revolutionary Guard vowed to carry out the “most ferocious” operation in history against Israel and American bases, according to Agence France-Presse. This promise is not limited to opponents abroad only; It is also a message to Iranians at home: We still exist, we still punish, and we still decide
between the lines
If a mass movement wants to “control the system,” it needs three things at once: organization, momentum, and divisions within the coercive apparatus.At the moment, both are unconfirmed:
- Organization: Local celebrations and protests are not the same as a unified national opposition with command and control – especially in light of internet outages and fear of retaliation.
- Momentum: Emotional liberation is real, but it may be short-lived if the next stage is mass arrests, curfews and targeted violence by security services.
- Elite divisions: Reuters emphasizes the IRGC’s entrenched political and economic power and its direct line to the supreme leader, suggesting that the IRGC could become decisive kingmakers, or even de facto rulers, if the power of the clergy weakens.
Academic analysis of the conversation reaches a skeptical conclusion about the overthrow of people’s power under bombardment. “I would be surprised if we saw a popular uprising in Iran that actually had a chance of toppling the regime,” said Donald Heflin, a veteran diplomat.This assessment also points to a darker possibility: that the regime is viable but increasingly hardening, with power shifting toward security hardliners rather than liberalism.
What’s next?
Ali Reza Arfi was appointed on Sunday as a legal representative in the Iranian Leadership Council, the interim body responsible for implementing the duties of the Supreme Leader until the Assembly of Experts chooses his successor, the Iranian Students News Agency reported.Arfi, a cleric who also serves on the Guardian Council, will join President Masoud Pezeshkian and Supreme Court Chief Justice Gholam Hossein Mohseni-Eji on the three-member interim committee.Watch these conversations in the near future:
- Will the protests move from celebration to the continuous occupation of public squares? One night of euphoria does not mean permanent control of the streets – especially if it is followed by loyalist counter-marches and forceful dispersals.
- Will the army break or unite? Trump’s warnings and Iran’s cycle of retaliation could prompt leaders to close ranks in a “rally around the flag” style, even if some units are particularly disaffected with the clerical regime.
- Will the foreign war stop or escalate? If missile exchanges intensify, domestic priorities may shift from regime change to survival and retaliation – and the regime may justify blanket repression under emergency conditions.
Bottom line: Iranians in the streets are capable of shaking the regime – and the symbolism of Khamenei’s death is enormous – but “seizing power” requires more than mere courage. It requires the forced core of the system to be divided, or neutralized, more quickly than it can reorganize itself under the banner of war.
